#1368 - Edward Snowden
The Joe Rogan Experience
Sponsors
AG1, Experian, LifeLock, Circuit of the Americas, Blinds.com**
Bias Assessment
Not Applicable
Analysis Summary
In this podcast episode, Edward Snowden discusses his role as a whistleblower and the revelations he made about global mass surveillance programs in 2013. He details his experiences working for the CIA and NSA and the subsequent legal and ethical debates surrounding the surveillance activities he exposed, such as the PRISM program. Snowden asserts that the government's actions post-9/11, driven by figures like Vice President Dick Cheney and his legal advisor David Addington, expanded surveillance under the guise of national security, which he argues violated the U.S. Constitution. He also touches on the secrecy surrounding these programs, noting that only a select group of congressional leaders, the 'Gang of Eight,' were informed about them. The episode further highlights the impact of Snowden's disclosures, which led to Pulitzer Prize-winning journalism and sparked significant public and legal discourse on privacy and government surveillance.
The accuracy of Snowden's claims varies throughout the episode, but most are well-supported by credible sources and documentation. His assertions about the mass surveillance programs, the roles of key figures like Cheney and Addington, and the legal justifications for surveillance under the Bush administration are largely corroborated by historical records and analyses. However, some claims require additional context or are less definitive; for example, the assertion that the government had no interest in targeting terrorists until public fear peaked oversimplifies the motivations behind government actions post-9/11.
Fact Checks
| Timestamp | Fact | Accuracy | Commentary |
|---|---|---|---|
| 00:08:09 --> 00:08:11 | Edward Snowden claims he revealed global mass surveillance programs in 2013 while working for the CIA and NSA. | 100 🟢 | Snowden's revelations about mass surveillance and his employment at the CIA and NSA are well-documented (Greenwald, 2013). The documents he leaked detail programs like PRISM. This claim is fully supported by evidence from multiple credible sources. |
| 00:09:39 --> 00:09:51 | Edward Snowden asserts that the government was violating the U.S. Constitution by monitoring individuals without particularized suspicion. | 90 🟢 | The claim about the constitutional framework and the necessity of particularized suspicion is consistent with the Fourth Amendment, which protects against unreasonable searches. Post-9/11 practices raised significant legal debates, resulting in court cases that question these surveillance policies. There are conflicting arguments about surveillance legality and necessity, but his assertion aligns with critical viewpoints on privacy rights. |
| 00:09:54 --> 00:10:19 | Edward Snowden states the decision to expand surveillance was led by Vice President Dick Cheney and his attorney, David Addington, after 9/11. | 80 🟡 | Dick Cheney and David Addington played key roles in shaping post-9/11 surveillance policy, particularly the Patriot Act and other measures, as noted in several historical analyses. While the claim holds truth, it may need further context regarding the broader range of governmental decisions made during that time. |
| 00:10:20 --> 00:10:31 | David Addington wrote a secret legal interpretation kept in the vice president's safe. | 90 🟢 | Edward Snowden's claim about David Addington is consistent with reports stating he was an influential legal advisor to Vice President Dick Cheney and was involved in controversial legal opinions during the Bush administration. |
| 00:10:41 --> 00:10:57 | The White House and various legal advisors decided that mass surveillance was legal. | 80 🟡 | It's widely reported that the legality of mass surveillance programs such as Stellar Wind, enacted post-9/11, was justified by the Bush administration, with interpretations of the Patriot Act aiding this legal rationale. |
| 00:11:09 --> 00:11:21 | Stellar Wind was a mass surveillance program aimed at monitoring communications for al-Qaeda links. | 90 🟢 | The Stellar Wind program is confirmed in multiple intelligence reports and documents as a surveillance initiative post-9/11 aimed at domestic and foreign communication, linked to the search for al-Qaeda operatives. |
| 00:13:03 --> 00:13:56 | Only eight members of Congress, the 'Gang of Eight,' were informed about mass surveillance. | 85 🟡 | The 'Gang of Eight' is a historically recognized group consisting of key congressional leaders who are briefed on sensitive intelligence matters. This has been corroborated in several congressional testimonies and reports. |
| 00:19:28 --> 00:19:35 | The stories based on Snowden's disclosures won the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service Journalism. | 90 🟢 | The Washington Post and The Guardian both received the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014 for their reporting on the NSA disclosures by Edward Snowden, verifying his claim regarding the recognition of the importance of these stories. |
| 00:20:35 --> 00:20:45 | Edward Snowden claims that policy, more than law, restrains surveillance programs, and the president can change policies at any time. | 90 🟢 | Snowden's assertion is largely accurate; while the president does have substantial influence over surveillance policies, legal frameworks do also play a critical role. The USA PATRIOT Act and FISA (Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act) set specific legal parameters for surveillance. Therefore, while policies can change with presidential directives, they often still operate within statutory law. |
| 00:23:28 --> 00:23:38 | Edward Snowden states that his mother worked for the federal courts, and his father worked for the Coast Guard, claiming a family history of working for the government. | 90 🟢 | This claim can be substantiated through various sources detailing Snowden's family background. Reports indicate his mother indeed worked in the federal courts, and his father retired from the Coast Guard, supporting the assertion of a family history in governmental service. |
| 00:27:38 --> 00:27:43 | Edward Snowden claims that on September 11, 2001, then NSA director Michael Hayden ordered the evacuation of NSA's campus due to the attacks. | 90 🟢 | This claim is supported by multiple sources, including government reports and media coverage from that day, which indicate significant evacuation orders at various intelligence facilities, including the NSA. Michael Hayden confirmed the evacuation directive, aligning with Snowden's assertion. |
| 00:30:19 --> 00:30:23 | Edward Snowden asserts that it was unrealistic for terrorists to target the CIA or NSA during the September 11 attacks. | 60 🟠 | While no direct attacks occurred, the 9/11 Commission Report shows these agencies were considered potential targets, indicating a more complex threat assessment. |
| 00:34:51 --> 00:35:05 | Edward Snowden states that the 9/11 attacks could have been prevented according to the government. | 90 🟢 | The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (the 9/11 Commission) concluded that the attacks could have been prevented with better intelligence sharing among agencies. The report noted failures in communication and collaboration, which contributed to the inability to thwart the attacks. This claim is generally accepted in discussions about the lead-up to 9/11, supported by documented evidence from the Commission's findings. Sources like the 9/11 Commission Report substantiate this assertion. |
| 00:35:05 --> 00:35:14 | Edward Snowden mentions that there were bureaucratic limits restricting intelligence agency cooperation. | 85 🟡 | Following 9/11, critiques of intelligence "stovepiping" raised awareness about how procedural hurdles impeded sharing crucial information among agencies like the CIA and FBI. These limitations were highlighted in the 9/11 Commission Report, discussing communication failures and the need for improved inter-agency collaboration. However, some argue that while there were limits, agencies could still share information under certain conditions, indicating a mix of procedural limits and organizational culture at play. |
| 00:36:11 --> 00:36:28 | Edward Snowden claims that the aftermath of 9/11 led to the abandonment of traditional constitutional restraints. | 80 🟡 | Many analysts argue that post-9/11, the United States enacted policies that compromised civil liberties under the pretext of national security. The Patriot Act is a primary example, enabling greater surveillance and eroding checks on government powers in the name of counter-terrorism. Critics point to a significant shift in how agencies operated, which often overlooked constitutional protections. This perspective has substantial support in various legal analyses and critiques of post-9/11 policy changes, reflecting the tension between security and civil rights. |
| 00:45:04 --> 00:45:05 | Edward Snowden claims that post-9/11, the government had no interest in targeting terrorists until public fear peaked. | 40 🔴 | Government actions post-9/11, like the USA PATRIOT Act, show immediate response to terrorism, contradicting the claim of delayed interest (9/11 Commission Report). |
| 00:45:25 --> 00:45:57 | Snowden asserts that Dick Cheney restructured government accountability post-9/11, enabling broad surveillance. | 60 🟠 | Cheney influenced policy, but the USA PATRIOT Act's passage involved Congress, indicating broader involvement (Congressional Records, 2001). |
| 00:47:17 --> 00:47:20 | Snowden comments on why authoritarian leaders, like Vladimir Putin, stay in power, asserting socio-political instability drives this. | 50 🟠 | Putin's power is also maintained through election manipulation and suppression of dissent, not just instability (Freedom House reports, "The New Russia" by M. Steven Fish). |
| 01:05:28 --> 01:05:41 | Edward Snowden claims he went through a special training school called "The Farm" at Camp Peary in Virginia before being assigned overseas. | 90 🟢 | Camp Peary is a real CIA training facility, often referred to as "The Farm." Multiple sources confirm its existence and purpose as a training ground for CIA operatives. |
| 01:05:43 --> 01:05:57 | Edward Snowden states he was assigned undercover as a diplomatic attaché in Geneva, Switzerland. | 90 🟢 | Snowden has publicly confirmed his time in Geneva and his role as a diplomatic attaché. This has been corroborated by various credible news sources. |
| 01:06:55 --> 01:07:40 | Edward Snowden explains that the CIA primarily conducts human intelligence and signals intelligence, including tapping lines and hacking computers. | 90 🟢 | The CIA indeed operates primarily in human intelligence (HUMINT) and signals intelligence (SIGINT). This classification is standard within intelligence communities. |
| 01:10:45 --> 01:10:53 | Edward Snowden notes that Amazon runs a secret cloud system for the government, which is a continuation of a significant relationship between industry and government. | 85 🟡 | Amazon Web Services (AWS) has contracts with various government agencies for cloud services, including classified projects. However, specifics of these "secret" operations are less transparent. |
| 01:20:02 --> 01:20:29 | Edward Snowden states that Stellar Wind was the domestic mass surveillance program that started under the Bush White House. | 90 🟢 | Snowden correctly identifies Stellar Wind as a domestic mass surveillance program initiated during George W. Bush's presidency. Reports from sources, including the New York Times and various government documents, support this claim, as well as its scandalous unveiling in December 2005. |
| 01:20:51 --> 01:21:00 | Snowden claims the Bush White House faced a difficult position due to the warrantless wiretapping scandal affecting everyone in the United States. | 85 🟡 | This assertion aligns with historical accounts of the Bush administration grappling with the fallout from the warrantless wiretapping scandal. Evidence from news reports, including those by the New York Times, detail public backlash and implications for Bush's political standing. |
| 01:21:31 --> 01:21:40 | Snowden mentions the New York Times held an article on warrantless wiretapping at the request of the Bush White House before the election, fearing it would influence the election outcome. | 95 🟢 | This claim is documented in the New York Times itself, where it was reported that the publication delayed the story per requests from the White House to avoid political fallout during a critical election year. The ethics of this decision remain debated. |
| 01:23:38 --> 01:23:55 | Congress passed the Protect America Act in 2007 to retroactively immunize phone companies from lawsuits. | 90 🟢 | The Protect America Act was indeed passed in 2007, providing legal immunity to telecom companies that cooperated with the government's warrantless surveillance activities. This act was introduced in response to concerns about the legality of these activities, particularly after the revelations of the NSA's operations. It aimed at ensuring continued cooperation from these companies in exchange for protection from legal repercussions (source: Congress.gov). |
| 01:25:31 --> 01:26:18 | Congress passed the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, which continued unlawful intelligence activities under legal guise. | 90 🟢 | The FISA Amendments Act of 2008 was enacted following the Protect America Act and allowed for the continued warrantless surveillance of Americans. It introduced some measures of oversight but did not significantly curb the intelligence community’s surveillance capabilities, rather extending them under legal frameworks. Reports indicate it retained significant provisions for surveillance without adequate judicial checks (source: ACLU). |
| 01:26:55 --> 01:27:11 | The intelligence community's powers grew in response to the 2008 scandal, with Congress complicit in the changes. | 85 🟡 | Post-2008, intelligence agencies did notably receive expanded powers, with legislation allowing broader surveillance capabilities, often justified by national security concerns. Congress, which faced scrutiny over its complicity, passed laws that, rather than curtailing intelligence overreach, legitimized previous unlawful actions. This trend reflects a disturbing shift in prioritization of security over civil liberties (source: The Guardian, ACLU). |
| 01:37:22 --> 01:37:48 | Edward Snowden claims the FBI classified Martin Luther King Jr. as the greatest national security threat two days after his "I Have a Dream" speech. | 90 🟢 | This statement is supported by historical records. The FBI did indeed intensify surveillance on MLK after his famous speech, and a classified internal memo referred to him as a "communist sympathizer," indicating their perception of him as a threat. (Sources: FBI documents, historical analyses) |
| 01:40:59 --> 01:41:00 | Snowden claims that now, individuals are forced to live "naked before power," knowing little about powerful entities while they know much about us. | 80 🟡 | This reflects ongoing concerns about privacy erosion with technology. While it's accurate that tech companies and governments gather substantial data on individuals, the degree and manner of 'nakedness' can vary. The statement highlights a broader societal issue concerning surveillance and transparency. |
| 01:40:49 --> 01:40:57 | Edward Snowden states that AT&T keeps phone records dating back to 1983 under a program called Hemisphere. | 90 🟢 | AT&T's Hemisphere program is well-documented and is known for retaining call detail records for extended periods. The program was revealed through investigative journalism and government disclosures, affirming Snowden's assertion. (Sources: The Daily Beast, investigative reports) |
| 01:42:26 --> 01:42:45 | Edward Snowden claims that AT&T has every phone call made by customers born after 1987 that crossed its network. | 90 🟢 | AT&T does maintain extensive call records as telecom providers are required to do for billing and service optimization, and they have cooperated with government surveillance programs. However, the claim could benefit from more specific details on the scope and application of these records. |
| 01:48:39 --> 01:49:40 | Snowden claims the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court has ruled that NSA surveillance programs are unlawful 15 times and that the NSA broke its own rules 2,776 times in one year. | 90 🟢 | Reports and judicial opinions support that FISA courts have scrutinized certain NSA practices, leading to rulings on unlawfulness. The number 2,776 reflects documented instances of rule violations by the NSA, emphasizing the prevalence of oversight issues, as reported by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board. |
| 01:50:47 --> 01:50:57 | Snowden asserts that the government uses a Glomar response to deny the existence of specific classified programs, leaving courts unable to verify legality. | 90 🟢 | The Glomar response is a legitimate legal strategy, often used in national security cases, preventing courts from addressing concerns if the programs remain undisclosed, highlighting a critical tension in transparency and legal oversight. |
| 01:52:58 --> 01:53:36 | Ron Wyden confronted General James Clapper who was director of national intelligence. | 100 🟢 | Ron Wyden, a U.S. Senator, did indeed confront James Clapper during a congressional hearing about NSA surveillance programs. This exchange highlights concerns about transparency in intelligence practices, and Clapper was the highest-ranking official for national intelligence at that time. |
| 01:54:06 --> 01:54:14 | Clapper responded under oath that the NSA does not collect data on millions of Americans, stating "not wittingly." | 100 🟢 | During the 2013 hearing, Clapper replied "No, sir" when asked if the NSA collected data on millions of Americans, later clarifying that any collection would be inadvertent. This statement has been widely criticized as misleading given the revelations emerging from Snowden regarding NSA surveillance practices. |
| 01:54:21 --> 01:54:28 | Snowden claims Clapper admitted his statement was a lie after Snowden came forward. | 90 🟢 | Clapper later acknowledged that his testimony was misleading. In a subsequent interview, he described his response as the "least untruthful" answer he could provide. This admission has been interpreted as an acknowledgment of the deceptive nature of his previous statements. |
| 01:54:43 --> 01:58:19 | Bill Binney was one of the early NSA whistleblowers who spoke out during the Bush administration. | 100 🟢 | Bill Binney, a former NSA technical director, is recognized as an early whistleblower. He, alongside other whistleblowers like Thomas Drake, raised concerns about NSA surveillance practices prior to Edward Snowden's disclosures, advocating for transparency and legality in surveillance activities. |
| 01:58:43 --> 01:58:57 | Journalists reported on the Bush-era warrantless wiretapping program after whistleblower info surfaced. | 100 🟢 | Following disclosures from sources, including whistleblowers, journalists reported on the NSA's warrantless wiretapping program initially revealed in articles by major outlets like The New York Times, significantly impacting public understanding and discourse on government surveillance. |
| 02:02:54 --> 02:03:03 | Obama campaigned against warrantless wiretapping and promised to protect whistleblowers. | 100 🟢 | During his 2008 presidential campaign, Barack Obama did advocate for reforms regarding surveillance practices and whistleblower protections. While he initially promoted these principles, his administration faced criticism for expanding surveillance and not adequately protecting whistleblowers like Snowden. |
| 02:03:03 --> 02:03:08 | Bush is involved in a scandal in 2007. | 90 🟢 | George W. Bush faced multiple scandals during his presidency, specifically regarding the Iraq War and the intelligence used to justify it, as evidenced by various investigative reports and media coverage during that period. |
| 02:03:10 --> 02:03:17 | Obama claims, "that's not who we are. That's not what we do." | 90 🟢 | Barack Obama made statements about U.S. values in response to intelligence programs and practices. This reflects his administration's position during NSA revelations. Official transcripts and media articles corroborate this assertion. |
| 02:03:28 --> 02:03:30 | Within 100 days of becoming president, Obama expands surveillance programs. | 60 🟠 | Obama continued and expanded some surveillance programs, but also increased oversight (Executive Order 13526, 2009; FISA Amendments Act reauthorization). |
| 02:05:24 --> 02:05:28 | Presidents who don't comply with intelligence community demands risk being undermined. | 40 🔴 | While there's a perception of influence, specific cases of systematic undermining are not well-documented (various political analyses and memoirs). |
| 02:11:15 --> 02:11:20 | Most countries don’t have a single individual with the level of power held by the U.S. president. | 90 🟢 | Edward Snowden's statement reflects a widely recognized perspective. Other political systems often distribute power among multiple leaders or bodies, as observed in parliamentary systems, which supports this accurate assessment. |
| 02:13:50 --> 02:14:01 | Edward Snowden claims that the Bolivian president's aircraft was brought down and not allowed to depart until it was confirmed he was not on board. | 90 🟢 | This incident refers to Evo Morales' flight which was diverted in 2013 due to suspicions that Edward Snowden was on board after his leaks on NSA surveillance. This has been reported widely, including by major outlets like The Guardian. Therefore, this claim is accurate as it aligns with documented events. |
| 02:19:38 --> 02:19:30 | Edward Snowden states that the Espionage Act is a strict liability crime worse than murder. | 80 🟡 | The Espionage Act does operate under strict liability principles, meaning intent is not considered for conviction. However, to say it is "worse than murder" is a subjective comparison, not a legal definition. While the Act is indeed seen as harsh against whistleblowers, comparisons to murder can vary in interpretation and context, leading to mixed views on the absolute nature of this claim. |
| 02:21:22 --> 02:21:26 | Edward Snowden argues the government prohibits juries from considering whistleblower motivations due to the fear of putting the government on trial. | 85 🟡 | This reflects legal practices in approaches to whistleblower cases under the Espionage Act. The government often restricts the introduction of intent, but numerous legal arguments and cases illustrate a complicated legal landscape. The emphasis on the government's concerns about jury biases and perceptions is valid, confirmed by legal analyses of related trials and rulings. |
| 02:22:30 --> 02:22:30 | Edward Snowden asserts there has been no contact with the government since the Trump administration. | 60 🟠 | Lack of public evidence of communication post-Obama, but absence of proof doesn't confirm no contact (public statements, lack of official documents). |
| 02:26:31 --> 02:26:39 | The New York Times published a story about electoral interference, finding 36 cases by Russia/Soviets over 50 years. | 90 🟢 | The claim about the New York Times covering election interference aligns with reports examining historical patterns. The article likely references "A History of Russian Election Interference," which details various instances, confirming Edward Snowden's assertion. |
| 02:26:56 --> 02:27:18 | The same study found 81 different cases of election interference by the U.S. | 90 🟢 | This claim aligns with historical analyses of U.S. foreign policy and interventions, as documented by various historians and sources like the Council on Foreign Relations, noting substantial interference by the U.S. in global elections, which supports Snowden's assertion. |
| 02:34:30 --> 02:36:05 | Edward Snowden states that the IMEI number is unique to each phone and that it is used to identify the handset on the network, independent of the SIM card used. | 90 🟢 | The IMEI (International Mobile Equipment Identity) is indeed a unique identifier for mobile devices, used by cellular networks. Changing the SIM card does not alter the IMEI, confirming the statement's accuracy. Sources such as the GSMA (GSM Association) and telecommunications educational resources endorse this information. |
| 02:36:07 --> 02:36:17 | Snowden claims that the movements of your phone often uniquely identify a person, linking their phone location directly to their home and workplace. | 85 🟡 | This claim aligns with studies on mobile devices' location tracking, evidencing that devices often identify users based on movement patterns. Research by academic institutions, such as MIT and Stanford, suggests that smartphone location data is highly distinctive to individuals. However, the claim may lack nuance regarding privacy regulations and protections in different jurisdictions. |
| 02:38:06 --> 02:40:45 | Edward Snowden indicates that every wireless access point has a globally unique identifier, which can be mapped to track devices even without GPS. | 90 🟢 | The statement is accurate. Each wireless access point (Wi-Fi router) indeed has a MAC address that remains unique, visible to devices for connection purposes. Research and technical documentation from networking standards confirm that devices can triangulate location based on nearby unique identifiers, including Wi-Fi. This supports the notion of location tracking through Wi-Fi connectivity. |
| 02:40:46 --> 02:41:45 | Snowden explains that smartphones cannot have their batteries removed, which increases the risk that they can still be tracked even when they appear to be off. | 90 🟢 | This statement is accurate as most modern smartphones have non-removable batteries. Evidence from consumer electronics reviews and technical analyses indicates that without a removable battery, electronic devices can be vulnerable to malware or hacking, where they could be monitored even in an "off" state. This aligns with security discussions in cybersecurity literature. |
| 02:42:11 --> 02:42:18 | Snowden mentions a paper he collaborated on about determining if a phone is truly off or still spying, detailing an Introspection Engine developed with Andrew Huang. | 90 🟢 | This claim is accurate. Edward Snowden has co-authored a paper addressing the security of devices, particularly focusing on whether they can be trusted to report their own state. The paper titled "The Introspection Engine" was indeed published and can be found in academic databases detailing methods to monitor device behavior accurately, contributing to understanding surveillance issues. |
| 02:47:40 --> 02:52:05 | Edward Snowden states that the government claims all their data collection activities are legal based on the "third party doctrine," rooted in the 1970s case of Smith v. Maryland. | 90 🟢 | The “third party doctrine” indeed stems from the 1979 Supreme Court case Smith v. Maryland, which allows law enforcement to collect certain information without a warrant. Courts have upheld that individuals lose privacy rights to information shared with third parties. Subsequent cases have referenced this doctrine. (Source: U.S. Supreme Court ruling) |
| 02:54:46 --> 02:55:13 | Edward Snowden claims that the precedent established in the 1970s case of Smith v. Maryland is still used today to assert that records held by companies do not belong to individuals. | 85 🟡 | Snowden's assertion about the continuing influence of the "third party doctrine" is generally accurate. Courts still apply this doctrine to various types of data today, often resulting in decisions that favor corporate data ownership over personal privacy rights, though legal challenges do continue to arise questioning this interpretation. |
100 🟢
Edward Snowden claims he revealed global mass surveillance programs in 2013 while working for the CIA and NSA.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden asserts that the government was violating the U.S. Constitution by monitoring individuals without particularized suspicion.
80 🟡
Edward Snowden states the decision to expand surveillance was led by Vice President Dick Cheney and his attorney, David Addington, after 9/11.
90 🟢
David Addington wrote a secret legal interpretation kept in the vice president's safe.
80 🟡
The White House and various legal advisors decided that mass surveillance was legal.
90 🟢
Stellar Wind was a mass surveillance program aimed at monitoring communications for al-Qaeda links.
85 🟡
Only eight members of Congress, the 'Gang of Eight,' were informed about mass surveillance.
90 🟢
The stories based on Snowden's disclosures won the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service Journalism.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims that policy, more than law, restrains surveillance programs, and the president can change policies at any time.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that his mother worked for the federal courts, and his father worked for the Coast Guard, claiming a family history of working for the government.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims that on September 11, 2001, then NSA director Michael Hayden ordered the evacuation of NSA's campus due to the attacks.
60 🟠
Edward Snowden asserts that it was unrealistic for terrorists to target the CIA or NSA during the September 11 attacks.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that the 9/11 attacks could have been prevented according to the government.
85 🟡
Edward Snowden mentions that there were bureaucratic limits restricting intelligence agency cooperation.
80 🟡
Edward Snowden claims that the aftermath of 9/11 led to the abandonment of traditional constitutional restraints.
40 🔴
Edward Snowden claims that post-9/11, the government had no interest in targeting terrorists until public fear peaked.
60 🟠
Snowden asserts that Dick Cheney restructured government accountability post-9/11, enabling broad surveillance.
50 🟠
Snowden comments on why authoritarian leaders, like Vladimir Putin, stay in power, asserting socio-political instability drives this.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims he went through a special training school called "The Farm" at Camp Peary in Virginia before being assigned overseas.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states he was assigned undercover as a diplomatic attaché in Geneva, Switzerland.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden explains that the CIA primarily conducts human intelligence and signals intelligence, including tapping lines and hacking computers.
85 🟡
Edward Snowden notes that Amazon runs a secret cloud system for the government, which is a continuation of a significant relationship between industry and government.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that Stellar Wind was the domestic mass surveillance program that started under the Bush White House.
85 🟡
Snowden claims the Bush White House faced a difficult position due to the warrantless wiretapping scandal affecting everyone in the United States.
95 🟢
Snowden mentions the New York Times held an article on warrantless wiretapping at the request of the Bush White House before the election, fearing it would influence the election outcome.
90 🟢
Congress passed the Protect America Act in 2007 to retroactively immunize phone companies from lawsuits.
90 🟢
Congress passed the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, which continued unlawful intelligence activities under legal guise.
85 🟡
The intelligence community's powers grew in response to the 2008 scandal, with Congress complicit in the changes.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims the FBI classified Martin Luther King Jr. as the greatest national security threat two days after his "I Have a Dream" speech.
80 🟡
Snowden claims that now, individuals are forced to live "naked before power," knowing little about powerful entities while they know much about us.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that AT&T keeps phone records dating back to 1983 under a program called Hemisphere.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims that AT&T has every phone call made by customers born after 1987 that crossed its network.
90 🟢
Snowden claims the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court has ruled that NSA surveillance programs are unlawful 15 times and that the NSA broke its own rules 2,776 times in one year.
90 🟢
Snowden asserts that the government uses a Glomar response to deny the existence of specific classified programs, leaving courts unable to verify legality.
100 🟢
Ron Wyden confronted General James Clapper who was director of national intelligence.
100 🟢
Clapper responded under oath that the NSA does not collect data on millions of Americans, stating "not wittingly."
90 🟢
Snowden claims Clapper admitted his statement was a lie after Snowden came forward.
100 🟢
Bill Binney was one of the early NSA whistleblowers who spoke out during the Bush administration.
100 🟢
Journalists reported on the Bush-era warrantless wiretapping program after whistleblower info surfaced.
100 🟢
Obama campaigned against warrantless wiretapping and promised to protect whistleblowers.
90 🟢
Bush is involved in a scandal in 2007.
90 🟢
Obama claims, "that's not who we are. That's not what we do."
60 🟠
Within 100 days of becoming president, Obama expands surveillance programs.
40 🔴
Presidents who don't comply with intelligence community demands risk being undermined.
90 🟢
Most countries don’t have a single individual with the level of power held by the U.S. president.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden claims that the Bolivian president's aircraft was brought down and not allowed to depart until it was confirmed he was not on board.
80 🟡
Edward Snowden states that the Espionage Act is a strict liability crime worse than murder.
85 🟡
Edward Snowden argues the government prohibits juries from considering whistleblower motivations due to the fear of putting the government on trial.
60 🟠
Edward Snowden asserts there has been no contact with the government since the Trump administration.
90 🟢
The New York Times published a story about electoral interference, finding 36 cases by Russia/Soviets over 50 years.
90 🟢
The same study found 81 different cases of election interference by the U.S.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that the IMEI number is unique to each phone and that it is used to identify the handset on the network, independent of the SIM card used.
85 🟡
Snowden claims that the movements of your phone often uniquely identify a person, linking their phone location directly to their home and workplace.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden indicates that every wireless access point has a globally unique identifier, which can be mapped to track devices even without GPS.
90 🟢
Snowden explains that smartphones cannot have their batteries removed, which increases the risk that they can still be tracked even when they appear to be off.
90 🟢
Snowden mentions a paper he collaborated on about determining if a phone is truly off or still spying, detailing an Introspection Engine developed with Andrew Huang.
90 🟢
Edward Snowden states that the government claims all their data collection activities are legal based on the "third party doctrine," rooted in the 1970s case of Smith v. Maryland.
85 🟡
Edward Snowden claims that the precedent established in the 1970s case of Smith v. Maryland is still used today to assert that records held by companies do not belong to individuals.